by Hennie van Vuuren for Open Secrets

Open Secrets exposes a military squad allegedly responsible for acts of torture and murder. The evidence implicates at least four units of the SANDF in crimes dating back to 2019. They are the elite Special Forces Brigade, the Military Police, Defence Intelligence and Defence Legal Services. The lead Special Forces operative allegedly involved was also the subject of a criminal investigation by Hawks investigator Frans Mathipa shortly before Mathipa’s assassination by a sharpshooter. All this raises concerns of a large-scale criminal conspiracy within the SANDF.

The first two parts of our Russian Doll investigation revealed a SA National Defence Force Special Forces unit to be the owner of at least one luxury German car that accompanied cargo loaded off and possibly on to the sanctioned Russian ship Lady R in Simon’s Town in December last year. We, in turn, linked that vehicle to a Special Forces operation three weeks later at the Mall of Africa in Midrand, the day alleged Islamic State financier Abdella Abadiga and his bodyguard were abducted from the mall. Importantly, the person hot on the spoor of this group — Lieutenant-Colonel Frans Mathipa of the Hawks — was assassinated on 6 August this year.  

The mystery of the missing rifles

Our story today is rooted in a crime that took place some three years before the Lady R incident. On 23 December 2019, 18 R4 rifles and three pistols were reported as stolen from the strongroom safe at the SA Army Engineer Formation base south of Pretoria.

News of this was leaked to the media and it quickly made headlines across the country. This was not without reason: R4 rifles are the workhorse of the SANDF and can fire more than 600 rounds a minute. In the wrong hands these 18 rifles could cause mayhem. In this investigation, Open Secrets focuses on the hunt for the missing rifles by the SANDF. 

Empty rifle cases: On 23 December 2019, 18 R4 rifles and three pistols were reported as stolen from the strongroom safe at the SA Army Engineer Formation base south of Pretoria. (Photo: Supplied)

Our sources speak out

Witnesses both within and outside of the government have provided evidence to Open Secrets. Their account of events exposes a broad criminal network within the military. Its members appear to hanker back to a time when military death squads operated with impunity in South Africa. Accordingly, we will not name sources. 

In this article, we draw on a source who was present when some of the most egregious human rights violations took place. Their account is supported by two further sources with a contemporaneous understanding of events.  

Where we have independently corroborated information this has been made clear.

While we expose the names of military operatives alleged to have committed grave crimes, it is crucial to note that we have drawn on insights from brave public servants and members of the public who, like the murdered Hawks officer Frans Mathipa, are committed to the democratic constitutional order.

Our investigation also draws on the circumstances of an SANDF board of inquiry established to investigate complaints of alleged criminal activity within the military. The board was headed by Defence Intelligence Brigadier-General John Moorhouse. According to a source who has direct knowledge of the work of the Moorhouse Inquiry, it heard the testimonies of dozens of witnesses and focused extensively on corruption and abuse of office in the military. It also heard evidence of torture, including some of the information we report on today.

Despite the Moorhouse Inquiry having wrapped up hearings almost six months ago, the final report, the same source says, appears to be gathering dust on the desk of the chief of the SANDF and possibly that of the minister of defence. It is imperative that the contents of the report, and the record and evidence presented, are made public immediately.

We now turn to the investigation into the missing rifles. But for contextual information or where we indicate otherwise, the story is as told by our sources.  

Military Police start the investigation 

The head of the Military Police, Rear Admiral Mokgadi Maphoto, appointed a team from the ranks of the Military Police to investigate the rifle theft from the army engineering base. The team included Lieutenant-Colonel Doris Phindani Netshanzhe (then holding the rank of major), the acting commanding officer at the Thaba Tshwane Military Police Office. Thaba Tshwane is a vast military complex south of Pretoria,  not far from Freedom Park and the Voortrekker Monument. It is about 4km from the engineering base where the rifles went missing. 

The Military Police soon established that while the doors of the strongroom were damaged with an angle grinder, this could only have been intended as a ruse. No angle grinder would have been able to open the massive steel door. Rather, the thieves had simply unlocked it. Camera footage confirmed that it was indeed an inside job.

The Military Police identified Lance-Corporal Sidwell Babini Tyawana and Sapper Tumelo Christian Mongale as suspects. Tyawana, who had left the base to join a training exercise in Oudsthoorn, was flown back to Pretoria, a distance of more than 1,000km, on a South African Air Force Caravan aircraft around the time of his arrest.

Military Police believed that Tyawana was the mastermind of the theft and had sold the weapons to criminal enterprises on the East Rand. Tyawana was arrested on 3 February 2020 and Mongale two days later. Both were granted bail when they appeared before a military court at Thaba Tshwane two months later.

We do not know Tyawana’s current whereabouts and if he is indeed alive, but according to records in our possession he was recorded as absent without leave (awol) on 24 April 2020, two days after having been granted bail by a military court. Given the covert nature of military justice processes, we do not know the outcome of the case.

While in custody, Tyawana swiftly agreed to cooperate with Military Police and Defence Intelligence. According to a presentation that Military Police head Maphoto made to Parliament on 27 August 2020, Tyawana actively assisted the investigation in identifying suspects or locations for investigation. This was presumably in the hope that he would be freed in return for his cooperation.

Tyawana’s cellphone was used to contact the purchasers of the rifles. Once contact was established Defence Intelligence could, and indeed did, use cellphone surveillance technology to track the suspects’ whereabouts. It is not known if this was done with a court order. In this way, Tyawana was the bait used to lure unwitting individuals into the arms of military investigators.

‘By any means necessary’

Netshanzhe, the Thaba Tshwane Military Police acting commander, said at the time that then Defence Minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula wanted the weapons to be found and returned by “any means necessary” as this was proving to be an embarrassment to the SANDF.

We do not know for a fact that the minister uttered these words, as it is hearsay — but as South Africa’s history during apartheid shows, security officials are quick to interpret instructions such as these literally.

Quoted in Daily Maverick, Mapisa-Nqakula referred to a group of 12 suspects arrested within days of the theft being discovered as “unpatriotic” and “self-serving thugs”, while their attorney described their detention as unnecessary.

According to a presentation made by Maphoto to Parliament in August 2020, charges against seven of the 12 were withdrawn and five were still to appear in court. We have been told that the 12 suspects, which did not include Tyawana and Mongale, were all eventually released as there was no evidence implicating them in any crime.

Special Forces lead the hunt 

On the night of 4 February 2020, a team was assembled at the Thaba Tshwane military base. Their aim was to retrieve the missing rifles based on information obtained from Tyawana. The team consisted of two Defence Intelligence officials, two Military Police officials and a dozen Special Forces members in plain clothes. The presence of Military Police at this point would have been essential, for the military cannot simply usurp policing functions without authorisation.

Netshanzhe and a Colonel Mokone from Defence Intelligence were informed of the objectives of this mission. However, the Special Forces were in charge. They, in turn, were commanded by a man who used the name Musa or Mike.

Open Secrets has since established that Musa or Mike is in fact Colonel Sunnybooi Pinny Wambi. (See “Who is Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi aka ‘Musa’?” below.)

He is the very person who led the Special Forces “training exercise” (as the SANDF would have it) at the Mall of Africa on the same day and time that Abadiga, the alleged Islamic State financier, and his bodyguard were abducted. He was also a prime target of the investigation by Mathipa, the slain Hawks investigator, into Abadiga’s abduction. We established that the same cellphone number was used by Wambi and Musa. This was further confirmed by a WhatsApp profile photograph.

The vehicles carrying the group included a Mercedes-Benz, Toyota Conquest and Nissan Micra. These cars left the military base in a broken convoy. Approximately 10km outside the base the convoy reassembled and stopped on the side of the road. One of the Special Forces members then opened the boot of the Mercedes-Benz. Inside was a man known only as Nyambose. He had been badly beaten, possibly tortured. He was given some money for taxi fare and told by the Special Forces to “walk and don’t look back”. Nyambose is assumed to have been abducted by Special Forces as part of their “investigation” into the missing rifles.

The convoy then headed towards the East Rand, to Springs, as directed remotely by a Defence Intelligence officer using cellphone tracking technology. The vehicles then headed to Kempton Park, where the convoy stopped again near a McDonald’s outlet in the city centre. Here, at lightning speed, they abducted a 35-year-old man named Sphamandla who had been lured by Tyawana to meet them. Sphamandla was bundled into one of the cars and driven back to Thaba Tshwane military base, with the vehicles once again in convoy.

Torture at Thaba Tshwane

The convoy arrived at Thaba Tshwane at about midnight, stopping at the Thaba Tshwane Military Police area office. Sphamandla was taken to the Military Police bar known as Karob (Afrikaans for “carob”) where he was stripped naked, tied to a chair and tortured. He was beaten so badly with branches and sticks that his skin eventually took on a green hue. The beatings were accompanied by shouts of “Shaya! Shaya!” (Beat! Hit! in isiZulu) by Wambi and others who appeared to enjoy this sadistic task. At certain intervals the torturers used ice-cold water to waterboard him, a torture technique which simulates drowning.

The chief interrogator was reportedly Wambi, assisted by Netshanzhe. Other members of the team milled about outside the bar.

Wambi reportedly repeatedly asked Sphamandla in isiZulu, “Where are the weapons?”, to which he replied that uShukela (“Sugar” in isiZulu) was the one responsible. uShukela is believed to be the nickname for Tyawana.  

At about 3am, the bar went quiet. Sphamandla had been beaten so viciously that he could no longer see. He was taken to the Nissan Micra and made to sit on the back seat. He declined an offer of water, requesting a beer instead. The man we know only as Sphamandla took a sip of the Hansa, then breathed his final breath.

Sphamandla’s body was taken back to the Karob Bar where attempts to resuscitate him were unsuccessful. Wambi intended to bury Sphamandla in the grounds of Special Forces headquarters at Speskop, southwest of Pretoria. Speskop is located about 4km south of the Thaba Tshwane military base and has served as the headquarters of the Special Forces for many years. It is in the middle of the Swartkop Park Nature Reserve, providing a large buffer zone between the base and nearby suburbs.

A hero’s welcome

A gathering took place at Thaba Tshwane in May 2020 to welcome the final recovered R4 rifle back to base. This took place in the midst of Covid-19 when the movement of South Africans was heavily restricted during one of the toughest lockdowns in the world. A small gathering of military officials was brought together, including Brigadier-General Eric Mnisi (the head of legal at the SANDF) and Doris Netshanzhe. Five BMW X5s, with blue lights blazing, met the welcoming party at the base. Wambi stepped out of one of the vehicles and handed over a weapon with the words, “Your last one.” The assembled dignitaries clapped.

This date accords with Mathopo’s presentation to Parliament; he, however, stated that the last four rifles were recovered. 

Brigadier-General Eric Mnisi. (Photo: Supplied)

Who is Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi aka ‘Musa’?

Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi led a “training exercise” at the Mall of Africa where Abdella Abadiga, the alleged Islamic State financier, and his bodyguard were abducted. This was the SANDF’s version in court papers following attempts by Abadiga’s brother to locate him and secure his freedom through an urgent application.

We have identified Wambi as the coach of a football team of teenage players known as Young Pirates FC in Sedibeng. On the soccer team’s various social media platforms, he is consistently identified by the nicknames Sanza or Musa.

It is worth noting that Wambi was given the rank of major in court papers in February 2023 following the Abadiga abduction. In court papers submitted by the SANDF in July 2023 (in response to Mathipa’s quest to gain access to Wambi’s cellphone records) he is referred to as a colonel. If accurate, this suggests a promotion in 2023 following the Abadiga abduction.

Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi. (Photo: Supplied)

Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi. (Photo: Supplied)

Who is Lieutenant-Colonel Doris Phindani Netshanzhe aka ‘Mama Skebenga’?

According to one source, Military Police official Doris Netshanzhe earned the nickname of “Mama Skebenga” (Mama Gangster) from Special Forces officers. We have been told that she was swiftly promoted from major to lieutenant-colonel shortly after the completion of the R4 recovery operation. She also enjoyed the privilege of a training course in Cuba. 

Open Secrets has obtained a revealing statement made under oath to the Lohatla Military Police concerning threats allegedly made by Netshanzhe to a Military Police platoon commander. The platoon commander opened a case of intimidation against Netshanzhe at Lohatla military base which is still the subject of a Military Police internal investigation.

The context of the complaint is that Netshanzhe intervened in aspects of processing a rape case at a military base in a manner that the platoon commander thought was unprocedural and could bungle the investigation. The platoon commander is independent of Open Secrets sources. According to the statement, on 8 November 2022, the platoon commander was sitting outside a court at Khatu attending to a matter concerning the sexual assault.

Netshanzhe had wanted the platoon commander to be elsewhere and, according to an affidavit from the platoon commander, stated in a loud voice outside the court, in front of members of the public: “[Lieutenant,] you don’t know me very well. I talk to the Chief [of the] SANDF and Admiral Maphoto [head of Military Police] every day. I am well connected, I am untouchable. General Mnisi of Legal is my boyfriend. I work with Special Forces; we make people disappear. I was investigating officer on the weapons case. That is all over, where are they?” 

The platoon commander, not knowing the context, states: “I did not understand her.”  

Lieutenant-Colonel Doris Phindani Netshanzhe. (Photo: Supplied)

Lifting the veil 

South Africa has a long and complicated history of denying military complicity in criminal activity. At the end of apartheid it was a requirement of the political settlement that neither the apartheid nor liberation militaries should be held to account for criminal activity. At the time, the two primary hidden hands in South African political life — the military and corporate South Africa — were unchallenged lest they undermine the nascent democratic order.

More recently there has been no investigation of the impact of State Capture on the SANDF, notwithstanding the consistent rumours of the close political allegiance between the former chief of the SANDF Solly Shoke and the Zuma administration. As we reported in Part Two of the Russian Doll investigation, the military was the driving force behind draconian State of Emergency regulations drafted shortly before Zuma was pushed into leaving public office.

The Ramaphosa administration has not rocked the military boat, apparently for fear of it turning on him. Its support was, after all, crucial during the July 2021 rioting and looting instigated by a pro-Zuma faction.

However, this investigation exposes alleged criminality within the military which must be investigated and prosecuted by authorities outside of the military. For now, the targets of the alleged torture squad have been people, like Sphamandla, on the margins of society. However, if the Special Forces killed Mathipa, then it must be on account of a greater sense of power and protection. 

Members of Parliament and aspirant MPs should know that if they do not push now for accountability there is no telling who will be next. This should give them all, including the President, sleepless nights until we have seen accountability.

Note

Detailed questions were sent to the following parties named in this article. None responded at the time of publication. Should a response be forthcoming in the next few days, it will appended to this article. They are:

General Rudzani Maphwanya, chief of the South African National Defence Force;

Siphiwe Dlamini, spokesperson for the SANDF/Department of Defence;

Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, Speaker of Parliament (former minister of defence);

Brigadier-General Eric Mnisi, SANDF legal head;

Lieutenant-Colonel Doris Phindani Netshanzhe;

Colonel Pinny Sunnybooi Wambi; and

Lance-Corporal Sidwel Babini Tyawana (all his messages bounced back undelivered) 

Open Secrets is a non-profit organisation which exposes and builds accountability for private-sector economic crimes through investigative research, advocacy and the law. To support our work visit Support Open Secrets.

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By Corrpution Watch – the post Gcaleka: fight against corruption needs resources, ethical leaders appeared first on © Corruption Watch.

Summary by Vuka.news:

1. Key Features of the Zondo Commission

• Advocate Paul Pretorius highlighted the independence and effectiveness of the Zondo Commission (2018–2022) in uncovering state capture.
• Its success stemmed from:
  • Vigilance and awareness from civil society, anti-corruption bodies, and whistle-blowers.
  • Support from media, academic research, and the Public Protector’s State of Capture report.
• “Critical to the success … of the Zondo commission was that it was an independent commission of inquiry chaired by an independent judge.”

2. Addressing Corruption in South Africa

• Pretorius emphasized the severe societal threat posed by crime and corruption: “We are in serious trouble as a result of crime, corruption, and the violence and the threat to our society that accompanies it.”
• Civil society must rekindle the urgency that led to the Zondo Commission’s formation.

3. Challenges of Resources and Capacity

• Public Protector Kholeka Gcaleka stressed the need for resources to combat corruption effectively:
  • The Zondo Commission cost R1 billion, while Thuli Madonsela’s earlier investigations faced funding denials.
  • Ethical leadership and proper resourcing of anti-corruption institutions are critical: “What is critical, from our perspective … is the issue of ethical leadership.”

4. Ethics and Oversight

• Ethics reforms, such as amending the Executive Members’ Ethics Act, are crucial but delayed.
• Gcaleka highlighted flaws in government and legislature oversight, particularly in procurement and budget approval: “Oversight and accountability play a critical role, and that is in the hands of the legislature.”

5. Broader Institutional Reform

• Ethical leadership must extend beyond government to all arms of the state: “Institutions like ourselves find ourselves having to account in Parliament to the very same people who were in government.”

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Election posters in Maputo. Image credit James Wan via African Arguments CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.

By Africa Is a Country

Join us on November 21st as we discuss the politics underlying the popular uprising in Mozambique with António Bai, Anne Pitcher, and José Jaime Macuane.

On October 9, Mozambicans cast their ballots in the general election. The National Elections Commission declared a sweeping victory for Frelimo, which has governed the country since independence in 1975. The election results upset the set-up, with Podemos replacing Renamo as the leading opposition party. But Podemos leader Venâncio Mondlane rejected the results, claiming an outright victory. According to observers, the elections were marred by irregularities, including ghost voters, fake observers, ballot box stuffing, and fictitious tabulations. Under pressure, the Constitutional Council ordered the National Elections Commission to hand over the original tabulations. But the commission, which is dominated by Frelimo appointees, has been less than cooperative. In mid-December, the Constitutional Council is due to announce the final outcome. 

In response to the fraudulent elections—and the subsequent murder of opposition lawyer Elvino Dias and Podemos leader Paulo Guambe—an unprecedented wave of protest action has taken hold across the country. Heeding the call by Mondlane, hundreds of thousands of people have taken to the streets, some marching peacefully and others blocking strategic logistical arteries, including the ports and national borders. The forces of repression have responded erratically, shooting tear gas into homes and live ammunition at protesters. While the casualty count is inconclusive, thousands are estimated to have been arrested, hundreds have been shot and at least 40 have been killed over the last week. 

As António Bai of the Bloco 4 Foundation argues, the persecution of oppositional voices and the closing of political space ultimately undermine the legitimacy of the state and public trust in state institutions.

To understand the politics of this popular uprising, it is important to reflect on Mozambique’s political economy. Over the last decades, there has been a rapid expansion of the extractive sector, which along with adjacent industries, absorbs 90 percent of foreign direct investment but generates only 15 percent of formal salaried employment. The growth of extractive industries has accelerated the expropriation of land and natural resources, undermined the redistributive role of the state, and ultimately resulted in its militarization. As Professor Anne Pitcher details, there is a close relationship between the national oligarchs, who have been able to amass wealth as intermediaries, global capital, and the Mozambican military establishment. For Professor José Jaime Macuane, the propensity to conflict—from skirmishes with Renamo to the jihadist insurgency in Cabo Delgado—reflects the fragmentation of political settlements between elites within the governing coalition and between the governing and non-governing coalition.

Join us on November 21 as we discuss the politics underlying the popular uprising in Mozambique with António Bai, Anne Pitcher, and José Jaime Macuane. William Shoki and Ruth Castel-Branco will moderate the webinar.

António Bai is a researcher at Bloco 4 Foundation, where he transforms academic articles into animations. He has a bachelors and a masters degree in political science from the Universidade Eduardo Mondlane. He publishes on social protests and freedom of expression in Mozambique.

Anne Pitcher is the Joel Samoff Collegiate Professor of Political Science and Afroamerican and African Studies at the University of Michigan. Her published work examines electoral and party politics, political economy, the distribution of public goods, and political violence in Africa. Most of her research over the past 30 years has been conducted in Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, South Africa, and more recently, Kenya.

José Jaime Macuane, is an associate professor of political science and public administration, at the Universidade Eduardo Mondlane. His areas of interest focus on the theory of democracy and democratization, political economy of development, and state reform.

Ruth Castel-Branco is a senior lecturer and researcher at the Southern Centre for Inequality Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand. Her published work examines the changing nature of work, worker movements, and the redistributive claims on the state.

Watch it live on YouTube here.

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The post Report | Empty Promises: The struggle for equitable access to water in South Africa first appeared on © PARI | Public Affairs Research Institute.

By Tracy Ledger

SUMMARY by Vuka.news

Water as a Human Right DOWNLOAD REPORT

Water is vital for life and wellbeing. Access to enough clean water is crucial for health, sanitation, and quality of life. In 2010, the United Nations recognized access to water as a human right.

However, only 52 countries, including South Africa, guarantee this right. South Africa’s Constitution (Section 27(1)(b)) states that everyone has the right to sufficient food and water. Policies emphasize universal access to affordable water. Key affordability issues include:

1. Policies must provide clear and specific measures for affordability.
2. Paying for water should not stop households from affording other basic needs like food or shelter.
3. The state must ensure water is affordable and take action, including providing free water when necessary.

Despite these commitments, South Africa faces serious challenges:

• Water services have worsened over the past decade.
• The minimum water amount provided is below World Health Organization (WHO) standards.
• Poor households face water cuts if they cannot pay.
• Implementing the Free Basic Water policy has been difficult.

A human-rights approach requires the state to assess whether people can afford water based on their actual situations. If they cannot, the state must act to ensure access.

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Mining affected communities led by Macua and Wamua protested outside the DMRE offices in Tshwane this week. All photos by Lilita Gcwabe

BY Lilita Gcwabe – this post first appeared at © Elitsha

‘Nothing about us without us!’ protesters demand of the mining industry.

Thousands of people from mining affected communities in Limpopo , Carltonville, and the North West, marched to the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE) on the 14th of November 2024 to show their determination to exercise their right to free, prior and Informed consent (FPIC) and have gathered an extensive mandate from thousands of communities across the country. 

“This march is part of Macua’s attempts to making sure that the voices of mining affected communities are central to the MPRDA, which fails to address ongoing issues around consultation, consent and fulfillment of community development obligations by mining companies,” reads their memorandum.

A varied crowd of the elderly and the young, the protesters met at the Jubilee Park in Pretoria to prepare for the march ahead.

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The post ‘The real MCF is back’, say Mxube and co. after reinstatement appeared first on Vuka News.

The post TI’s G20 chapters ask leaders for urgent anti-corruption action appeared first on Corruption Watch.

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The post Livestream | What Now Since the State Capture Commission? first appeared on PARI | Public Affairs Research Institute.

The post Livestream | What Now Since the State Capture Commission? appeared first on PARI | Public Affairs Research Institute.

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Protesters in Maputo, Mozambique, Thursday, Nov. 7, 2024. Carlos Uqueio for AP Photo.

A decade ago, the kind of protest movement gripping Mozambique over the last few weeks would have been difficult to fathom.

By Ruth Castel-Branco  – this post was first published on Africa is A Country: summary below by Vuka.news

Election Day and Fraud Allegations: On October 9, Mozambique held a general election. Many expected the ruling party, Frelimo, to manipulate the results, as they had during the previous year’s municipal elections. Widespread irregularities were reported, including “ghost voters,” fake observers, and ballot-stuffing. Journalist Tomás Vieira Mário noted that although “Frelimo may have won the elections, they lost the people.”

Election Results and Power Dynamics: The National Elections Commission reported that Frelimo received 71% of the vote, gaining 195 parliamentary seats. Podemos, the opposition party, gained 31 seats, becoming the main opposition. Opposition groups, including members of the National Elections Commission, contested these results, accusing the system of being “structurally rigged.” Elections are observed at polling stations, but final vote counts happen behind closed doors, giving Frelimo the advantage.

Assassinations of Opposition Leaders: Elvino Dias, a lawyer preparing a legal case for Podemos’ candidate, Venâncio Mondlane, was assassinated on October 19, along with Podemos leader Paulo Guambe. Police claimed the assassinations were linked to a “conjugal dispute.” Still, Dias had warned of his possible assassination and stated on Facebook Live that he had evidence of the true election results. Dias stated, “As for us, we died a long time ago. The vandals know where I live, which is why I have no reason to run away.”

Growing Support for Podemos and Mondlane: The assassinations sparked public outrage and support for Mondlane and Podemos. Founded by former Frelimo members, Podemos promotes “liberal socialism” and social justice. However, Mondlane, with a background as a preacher, has shown support for authoritarian populists, creating a mix of religious and political influence in his campaigns.

Protests and Strikes Following the Election: Mondlane called for a general strike, leading to widespread protests against Frelimo’s rule. People used tactics like banging pots, protesting at symbolic sites, and blocking roads. Police responded with force, using tear gas and live ammunition, resulting in arrests and deaths. The economic cost of these strikes is high, with an estimated loss of up to 2% of Mozambique’s GDP.

Frelimo’s Reaction and Internal Doubts: President Nyusi celebrated the election results, but some within Frelimo doubt the legitimacy of their landslide victory due to Mozambique’s poverty and crisis-ridden state. Frelimo leaders recognize that election rigging has damaged the party’s credibility.

Upcoming Constitutional Review of Election Results: The Constitutional Council is under pressure to review contested election results. Due to destroyed and manipulated records, verifying accurate results may require forensic investigation. Even if fraud is confirmed, high abstention rates might still favour Frelimo’s hold on power.

The Future of Opposition in Mozambique: Although Podemos and Mondlane have support, their alliance is fragile. Mondlane’s economic views may clash with Podemos’ “socialist” values, leading to potential internal conflicts. Mozambique’s protest movement is now too large and diverse to ignore, signaling that meaningful change will require justice for all.

The post No justice, no peace in Mozambique appeared first on Vuka News.

A police officer walks past a symbolic protest of the dead bodies of Palestinians and Lebanese killed by Israel. Photos: Ihsaan Haffejee

By Ihsaan Haffejee – this post was first published on GroundUp: summary below by Vuka.news

• Protest at Israeli Embassy: Hundreds of protesters gathered outside the Israeli embassy in Pretoria, demanding that South Africa cut diplomatic and economic ties with Israel.
• Organizers and Participants: The protest was organized by South Africa’s Lebanese community and Palestinian solidarity groups, showing support for the cause.
• Police Presence: Police closely monitored the demonstration, blocking the entrance to the embassy.
• Massarah Rajeb’s Statement: Massarah Rajeb, a South African of Lebanese descent, said Israeli actions in Gaza and Lebanon motivated her activism: “There are many people around the world, especially in Palestine and Lebanon, who no longer have a voice. So we need to be their voices and demand a permanent ceasefire.”
• Roshan Dadoo’s Perspective on U.S. Policy: Roshan Dadoo, SA BDS Coalition coordinator, doubted U.S. policy on Israel would change, regardless of administration: “Obviously Trump is an outright fascist and really we can’t expect anything from him. But under Biden we saw bombs being delivered from America which are being used to commit genocide. So it’s unlikely that the policy of America will change.”
• Call for South African Government Action Dadoo urged the South African government to: resist U.S. pressure over its genocide case against Israel, stop coal sales to Israel, enact trade and arms embargoes against Israel.
• Testimony from Gaza Resident, Seham Hijji: Seham Hijji, a Gaza resident who escaped the war, shared her experience: “All my family is still in Gaza. We have lost many loved ones and been displaced many times. [Israel’s] goal is to kill children and starve the people of Gaza. But the people of Gaza remain steadfast on our land.”
• Call for Boycotts: Hijji encouraged people to boycott products and companies linked to the occupation of Palestine.
• Protest Messaging: Protesters placed stickers on the Israeli embassy sign with statements such as: “Israel burns hospitals, Israel kills journalists, Israel attacks UN, and Israel starves children.”
• Commitment to Continued Protest: The protest concluded peacefully, with demonstrators promising to keep protesting against the war in Gaza and Lebanon.

.

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read the original post The Fight for Universal Consultation in Disake: A Community’s Ongoing Struggle which first appeared on MACUA.

By Senthati Katlego Zasekhaya – summary below by Vuka.news

• Disake Village in Moses Kotane Local Municipality, North West, faces harsh living conditions and limited input on issues affecting them. The village is surrounded by six major mines: PPC Dwaalboom Cement Mine, Siyanda Bakgatla Platinum Mine, Anglo (Amandelbult), Northam Platinum Mine, Kalaka Mining, and Andelusite Mine.
• The community has not benefited from the mining activities, facing issues like limited job opportunities, no business or skills development and exclusion from decision-making processes
• Frustration over these issues led to a community protest on March 12, 2024, demanding action from PPC Dwaalboom Cement Mine, which has not followed through on promised consultations. This issue extends beyond PPC, as other nearby mines also fail to consult with the community, despite the direct impact of their operations.
• Economic hardships are worsened by lack of local employment opportunities in the mines, denied opportunities for skills training and business partnerships for youth and health risks from pollution, such as dust from mining trucks.
• The community is excluded from discussions about how these issues will be managed or how mines will support community development.
• South African law requires that communities be consulted on mining activities, as outlined in the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA), but mines often ignore these regulations. This situation reflects a national issue, as many South African communities affected by mining face similar challenges.
• For progress to occur, mining companies must fulfill their obligations, not just legally but also for social justice and sustainable development.

The post The Fight for Universal Consultation in Disake: A Community’s Ongoing Struggle appeared first on Vuka News.

Job Title:  Resource Development Officer

Organisation:  Legal Resources Centre (LRC)

Location:  Johannesburg (LRC National Office) 

About the Legal Resources Centre: The LRC is a dynamic and impactful non-governmental public interest law firm that has been at the forefront of advancing human rights and constitutionalism in South Africa for over four decades. We are dedicated to promoting justice, equality, and social change through public interest litigation, advocacy, and legal services.

Position Overview: The Resource Development Officer will play a crucial role in strengthening the financial position of the LRC by securing funding for its programmes.  This involves cultivating and nurturing relationships with new and existing domestic and international institutional donors, including foundations, trusts, and government organizations. The successful candidate will be responsible for managing the entire donor funding lifecycle, from prospecting to stewardship.

Key responsibilities:  Under the supervision of Development Manager, the Resource Development Officer’s responsibilities will include: 

Donor Acquisition:

• Identifying, researching, and proactively pursuing high-probability funding opportunities.
• Cultivating and nurturing strong relationships with new prospects, as well as maintaining relationships with existing donors and other stakeholders.
• Maintaining an up-to-date database of prospects and donors on the LRC’s CRM system.
• Managing the funding application process, ensuring compliance with donor requirements.
• Collaborating with internal teams to align funding opportunities with organizational priorities and to develop and submit high-quality concept notes, proposals, and project budgets.
• Working with the communications team to create fundraising materials.
• Keeping abreast of trends and best practices in fundraising and donor relations.
• Actively engaging in relevant networking events to build awareness of the LRC with key stakeholders, influencers, and the South African public more broadly.

 Donor Relationship Management:

• Supporting internal teams with monitoring implementation of project activities, budget expenditure, and evaluating the impact of projects.
• Manage the donor reporting process – collaborating with internal teams to prepare high-quality reports and status updates, ensuring compliance with donor requirements and deadlines.
• Overseeing grant closeout procedures, ensuring timely completion, and assisting with grant audits (if required by funders).
• Enhancing relationships with funders and other stakeholders through meaningful engagements and events.

Internal reporting and accountability:

• Assist with the preparation of documents for internal and external communication which give oversight of the LRC projects (including our annual report)
• Identifying areas of organisational development to improve departmental and organizational efficiency.
• Other duties as assigned by the Development Manager.

 Essential qualifications and experience:

• An appropriate tertiary qualification in related/relevant field.
  
  Strong understanding and knowledge of the local and international donor landscape and philanthropy.
  
  A fundraiser with 3-5 years of experience, or somebody from a sales/marketing background with transferrable skills, and a commitment to social change.
  
  Experience in developing and writing proposals and arguments, business plans, budgets, concept papers, briefs, executive summaries, reporting, as well as coordinating multiple inputs from a variety of sources, and simultaneously managing a variety of relationships.
  
  Civil society experience and knowledge of South Africa’s socio-political environment and how it impacts on social justice.

Skills and Attributes:

• Self-driven, proactive, determined, and resilient.
• Perfect written English (essential), together with the ability to think outside the box and write creatively and persuasively.
• Excellent interpersonal skills: A good communicator, articulate and confident in presenting to key decision-makers. The ability to pursue leads and develop funding relationships is key.
• Good research skills and the ability to identify opportunities.
• A commitment to social change and alignment with the values of the LRC.
• Highly organised with good administration, time and project management skills.
• Able to manage humdrum tasks like maintaining database records.
• Proficient in Microsoft Office.
• Experience with Salesforce CRM software is advantageous.
• A valid driver’s license, as travel for stakeholder engagement is required.

Closing Date: 6 December 2024

How to Apply:  Please click the apply button below and fill out the form. 

Job Type: 12 month contract

APPLY

The post Legal Resources Centre – OPPORTUNITY: Resource Development Officer appeared first on Vuka News.

The post Media Statement on the 2024 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS) Education spending decreases, despite the education crisis. #MTBPS2024 #SifunaUkufunda appeared first on Equal Education.

For Immediate Release: 31 October 2024

IN SUMMARY – Equal Education states that:

Austerity Budgeting & Inequality: The 2024 budget focuses on austerity, limiting spending to less than revenue, impacting public services and socio-economic rights, particularly in education.

Education Funding Shortfall: The Department of Basic Education reports a R32 billion shortfall this year, projected to grow to R176 billion by 2027/28. This is due to rising student enrollment, new mandates like mandatory Grade R, and historical funding gaps.

Lack of Additional Funding: Despite these needs, no extra funds were provided for the increase in Grade R students under the Basic Education Amendment Laws Act (BELA). Education spending overall was reduced by R1.2 billion for the year.

School Infrastructure Issues: Infrastructure backlogs remain unaddressed, with the budget failing to meet school building targets (only one new school and no new water facilities created). The Education Infrastructure Grant will also see a 3% decrease each year through 2026/27.

Western Cape Education Cuts: R321 million was allocated for new schools and disaster relief in the Western Cape, but funding cuts have led to a reduction of 2,407 teaching positions next year.

Teacher Shortage & Bursary Cuts: Cuts to the Funza Lushaka bursary mean fewer young teachers are joining the workforce. Early retirement incentives for public workers and a tight wage bill make the teacher shortage worse.

Impact on Learning: Larger class sizes and fewer teachers hurt learning quality and students’ motivation to pursue teaching. The situation echoes the impact of Bantu education, with long-term effects on poverty, inequality, and unemployment.

Call for Public Investment: Investing in education and public services is essential for economic growth and equality. Cuts to social grants, lack of funding for public jobs, and outdated poverty data further affect vulnerable South Africans.

Appeal to Parliament: Parliament is urged to review the budget to ensure it aligns with South Africa’s constitutional commitment to socio-economic rights. There’s a call to prioritize human development and inclusive economic growth in budget decisions.

Importance of Public Services: Education, healthcare, social protection, and employment programs are essential for a fairer South Africa and should receive adequate funding.

[END]

To arrange a media interview, contact: Ayanda Sishi-Wigzell, Communications Manager. 

Email: ayanda@equaleducation.org.za

Phone: 076 879 3017

The post Media Statement on the 2024 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS) Education spending decreases, despite the education crisis. #MTBPS2024 #SifunaUkufunda appeared first on Vuka News.

Leaders of Saftu, Cosatu and the SACP leading the anti-austerity protest in Cape Town ahead of the Medium Term Budget Policy Statement. All photos by Chris Gilili

BY Chris Gilili – this post first appeared at Elitsha

IN SUMMARY :

Protest Against Austerity: Hundreds of activists, social movements, and trade union members marched to South Africa’s parliament to deliver a memorandum against austerity measures, timed ahead of the Medium Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS).

Organising Groups: Key leaders from Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU), South African Communist Party (SACP), Cry of the Xcluded, Housing Assembly, and other social movements led the protest.

Statement from Protesters: Protesters expressed concerns over high living costs, unemployment, poverty, and homelessness. “A well-resourced budget is critical given the perpetuation of deep socio-economic inequalities in the country.” They argued that the National Treasury’s spending cuts will worsen South Africa’s social crisis.

Housing Assembly’s Response: Kashiefa Achmat from Housing Assembly criticized austerity: “Austerity is affecting all of us very badly… we don’t think our people will have houses built for them.” Achmat highlighted how affordable housing remains inaccessible to the unemployed and called for an end to austerity to prevent further poverty.

Saftu General Secretary’s Speech: Zwelinzima Vavi condemned budget cuts: “They are going to be boasting that there is a surplus in the budget…Voetsek! with austerity measures!” He warned that cuts will severely impact education, healthcare, and essential services, citing teacher layoffs and a 40% vacancy rate in hospitals.

Cry of the Xcluded’s Stance: Phumza Booi from Cry of the Xcluded highlighted the struggle with unemployment, citing her own experience of job insecurity within the Extended Public Works Programme (EPWP): “People only work in the programme for three months, and get terminated after that.”

Cosatu’s Demands: Cosatu general secretary Solly Phetoe called for a “people’s budget” addressing National Health Insurance (NHI) and land reform. He demanded a government response within 14 days to their demands.

Memorandum of Demands: The protesters demanded immediate government action to control food, fuel, and electricity prices, improve crime prevention, and boost safety and rehabilitation resources.

SACP’s Position: Benson Ngqentsu, SACP Western Cape secretary, criticized neoliberal policies: “As communists we are calling on this government to stop with neoliberalism…Implement the NHI now.”

Government Response: A deputy director general from the finance department accepted and signed the memorandum presented by the protesters.

MTBPS Announcement by Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana:

• Growth & Debt: Godongwana projected a 1.1% growth rate in 2024 and warned of unsustainable debt, which could reach R6.05 trillion by 2025/26.
• Budget Cuts: He defended budget cuts as necessary, saying, “We have restrained spending and maintained stable tax collection.”
• Public-Private Partnerships: Godongwana announced reforms to encourage private sector investment in infrastructure, aiming to offset public sector limitations. “We are amending the PPP regulations to simplify requirements for undertaking these projects.”

The post Hundreds march to Parliament against budget cuts appeared first on Vuka News.

The post AIDC statement on the 2024 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS) appeared first on AIDC | Alternative Information & Development Centre.

IN SUMMARY IN THE STATEMENT AIDC SAYS:

Government’s Budget Approach

• The National Treasury is pushing for more privatization in South Africa’s economy, which may hurt public services and job creation.
• The Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS) continues with a “business as usual” approach, focused on achieving a budget surplus and lowering debt. This could reduce access to essential services for many South Africans.

Spending Cuts (Austerity)

• Government spending as a share of GDP will be cut from 28.4% to 27.6% over the medium term. Although there is a planned increase of R20.1 billion for non-interest spending over the next three years, this amount is still too low, and key areas like education and social welfare are facing cuts.
• The education sector will lose R4.1 billion in funding between 2024/25 and 2025/26, mainly affecting post-school education.
• Social grants will likely be reduced by R21 billion by 2025/26, which suggests that the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant may not be extended or changed into a Basic Income Grant. This means millions of low-income South Africans could lose this critical support, leading to more hunger and poverty.
• Departments like Home Affairs and Agriculture will face cuts of 12% and 4%, respectively, over the next three years, reducing resources for their services.

Gender Impact

• Austerity measures (spending cuts) will hit women especially hard. Women are more likely to work in public sector jobs and rely on income support.
• Although the National Treasury says it supports gender-sensitive budgeting, gender issues are missing from the MTBPS. When public services are cut, women and girls often end up filling the gaps through unpaid care work, which increases their burdens.

Public Sector Wages

• The government suggests public sector workers are overpaid, which limits funds to hire more workers. However, only 3% of public workers earn more than R1 million per year.
• Essential public workers like teachers, healthcare staff, and police need competitive pay and more hiring to deliver effective services. Instead, the government is encouraging early retirements, with R11 billion allocated to fund this, which will reduce the size of the public sector even further.

Debt Management

• Debt reduction is the main reason given for strict spending cuts, yet debt levels have not improved under these measures.
• South Africa’s debt is 74.7% of GDP, but this is manageable since about 90% of it is in local currency, which limits exchange rate risks.
• Economic growth, rather than just cutting debt, is essential for improving finances, as austerity could actually raise the debt-to-GDP ratio by stifling growth.

Increased Privatization

• Policies like Operation Vulindlela promote privatization, especially in water, energy, and transport, to attract private investment.
• Public-private partnerships (PPPs), like the Gautrain project, often make services more expensive for citizens.
• The “Wall Street Consensus” approach shifts investment risks to the government, which increases debt risk and makes services more costly.

Tax Policy

• The Treasury says that high taxes reduce household savings and spending. But keeping the tax-to-GDP ratio below 25% mainly benefits wealthier South Africans.
• Raising taxes on the wealthy, like a proposed wealth tax, could support essential services.
• Underfunding the South African Revenue Service (SARS) limits revenue collection, despite proof that more funding could significantly boost tax recovery.

Global Tax Reform

• Tax evasion by the wealthy and corporations costs the country billions in lost revenue.
• South Africa is encouraged to push for global tax reforms that prevent profit shifting by multinational companies, beyond the OECD’s minimum tax rate.

Fiscal Rules and Democracy

• The Treasury plans to make spending limits legally binding to stabilize debt, which could reduce Parliament’s control over budget decisions.
• Strict spending caps could worsen unemployment and inequality, making it harder to reduce debt as intended.

In summary, AIDC’s poistion is that the current budget policies focus too much on privatization and austerity, which could harm South Africa by increasing poverty and inequality rather than promoting sustainable growth and job creation.

For comment contact:

• Dominic Brown on 081 309 4973 or dominic@aidc.org.za 
• Aliya Chikte on 082 695 5659 or aliya@aidc.org.za 
• Jaco Oelofsen on 084 376 9019 or jaco@aidc.org.za 

The post AIDC statement on the 2024 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement (MTBPS) appeared first on Vuka News.

Activists from the Vaal region protested outside the Department of Mineral Resources in Pretoria against Glubay’s proposed mine. Residents are concerned about water, soil and air pollution from the proposed mine. Photos: Ihsaan Haffejee

For years residents have been objecting to the Springfield and Vlakfontein mining project

By Ihsaan Haffejee – this post was first published on GroundUp

IN SUMMARY:

• Community Concerns:
  • Residents near the proposed coal mine in the Vaal region fear it could destroy their lifestyle.
  • The mine will be located near Meyerton and Vereeniging in Midvaal and Emfuleni municipal areas, spanning over 2,500 hectares.
• Project Details:
  • Operator: Glubay Coal (an affiliate of Canyon Coal, owned by Menar).
  • Mines: Springfield and Vlakfontein mines (open cast coal pits with a rail siding).
  • Production: Estimated 600,000 tons of coal per month, over a 30-year lifespan.
• Historical Context:
  • The area has seen various forms of coal mining since the late 1800s, including the Springfield colliery, which previously supplied coal to Klip Power Station (closed in 1953).
• Public Participation Issues:
  • Jennie Labuschagne (Rothdene resident and member of the Coal-ition Committee): Described public meetings with mine representatives as “disastrous,” stating that questions were avoided, making residents “more apprehensive.”
  • Yusuf Sather (Roshnee resident, also in Coal-ition): Communities have opposed the mine since 2019, with the project briefly halted due to COVID-19 and revived in 2022.
  • Zitholele Consulting: Refused to hold a meeting in Roshnee due to “security issues and a fear of intimidation.”
• Environmental and Heritage Concerns:
  • Sather on Mining Location: Opposes coal mine within residential areas due to potential for “massive air pollution, houses cracking… noise pollution, the depletion of water resources, and the risk of acid mine drainage.”
  • Redan Rock Art Site: Close to proposed mining areas, considered “an important and exceptional heritage resource” by rock art specialist Jeremy Hollmann, who noted that six similar sites in the region were destroyed by past activities.
• Agricultural and Economic Impact:
  • About 65% of the proposed mine’s land is currently used for farming maize, soybeans, and vegetables.
  • Residents fear mining will harm agricultural viability, impacting jobs and local food production. A report by Rehab Green Monitoring Consultants states, “Mining of coal within high productive agricultural land is in principle unacceptable.”
• Community Protest and Memorandum:
  • On 16 October, residents protested at the DMRE in Pretoria, where Mduduzi Tshabalala from the Vaal Environmental Justice Alliance (VEJA) submitted a memorandum to the department’s Chief Director, Modilati Malapane.
• Mining Company’s Response:
  • Clifford Hallatt (COO of Canyon Coal/Glubay): Asserted that all community members were invited to meetings, some of which were held as open days, and that “extensive studies” were conducted with mitigation measures to protect resources.
  • Jobs and Economic Development: 550 jobs expected from Sukuma mine, with employment sourced locally (25%) and from the Gauteng region and rest of South Africa (each 25%).
  • Local Economic Development: Budget of R4.4 million for Sukuma (Springfield Colliery) and R1.7 million for Vlakfontein Colliery.
  • Support for Local Communities: Hallatt mentioned the company’s support in areas like water provision and road repairs, noting that communities often look to mines to fill service delivery gaps.
  • Coal and Energy Policy: Hallatt emphasized coal’s role as “indispensable” for producing materials like steel and cement, advocating for coal as a foundation in the energy mix alongside renewables for a “just energy transition.”

The post Opposition to open cast coal mining in Midvaal appeared first on Vuka News.

The post AmaBhungane and Open Secrets challenges PetroSA’s diesel contracts secrecy appeared first on Open Secrets.

supplied by AmaBhungane by Caroline James and Qiqa Nkomo (Open Secrets)

For the past two years, PetroSA – South Africa’s national oil and gas company – has reaped enormous profits from the loadshedding crisis by buying diesel from unknown suppliers and selling it to Eskom at a profit.

But aside from PetroSA, we wondered, who really benefits when the lights go out?

This is what we have been trying to find out. For months we have submitted requests under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) to PetroSA, asking them to name the companies that received roughly R20-billion in contracts to supply them with diesel.

And for months, PetroSA has resolutely refused to even respond to our requests.

But PetroSA is not only refusing to disclose this information to us: National Treasury is also in the dark about PetroSA’s apparent deviations from standard procurement procedures.

In its recent annual report, PetroSA proudly proclaimed – in bold white letters on a midnight blue background – that “The spirit of Batho Pele, which means ‘People First’, underpins the PetroSA values”.

The question is: which people is PetroSA really putting first?

AmaBhungane’s recent investigations have also uncovered how Russia’s state-owned Gazprombank appeared to be cherry-picked for a tender to refurbish the Mossel Bay gas-to-liquids refinery; how a controversial businessman received massive contracts to build offshore gas infrastructure seemingly without having the financial resources to carry them out; and how those contracts were scuppered by an unpaid soccer player who successfully placed the company in liquidation.

These controversial contracts could cost PetroSA many billions more. But when we submitted PAIA requests, asking it to disclose records of how these contracts were awarded, we got the same stoney silence.

It’s a constitutional right

As a state-owned entity, created to play a strategic role in the oil and gas industry, PetroSA success or failure has repercussions for South Africa’s economic development. Yet despite its professed people-centered approach, PetroSA treats  information requests from civil society as an annoyance which can be ignored.

Our courts have recognised that the constitutionally-enshrined right of access to information is fundamental to the public’s ability to enforce other constitutionally protected rights and to facilitate transparency and accountability. They have also emphasised that civil society and the media should not have unnecessary obstacles placed in their way when performing this role. A civil society which is lively and engaged must act based on accurate information and so relies on requests for information under PAIA.

Timeously accessing the relevant contractual documents would afford the public the opportunity to assess the extent to which PetroSA, as a subsidiary of the Central Energy Fund which reports to Gwede Mantashe’s Department of Mineral Resources and Petroleum, is performing its responsibilities effectively and efficiently.

But despite this crucial public role, PetroSA seems to believe the government’s obligations to act transparently do not apply to it.

At Africa Oil Week 2023, Minister Gwede Mantashe said, “if you want to expose the business of PetrolSA, you’re basically killing it.”

But the truth is quite the opposite; increased transparency leads to a more competitive environment and therefore lower prices. Procurement contracts secured in secret, and thus without meaningful oversight, risk costly and damaging outcomes such as corruption, unnecessary debt and, of particular concern to the energy sector, severe capacity constraints and grid instability.

Information Regulator

PetroSA’s apparent zeal to cultivate an environment in which secrecy thrives, indicates that its professed ‘people first’ ethos is not in fact what it practises. The constitutional requirements of fairness, equity, transparency, competitiveness and cost-effectiveness are plainly eroded by the stifling of public participation in this manner.

Last week, amaBhungane and Open Secrets decided to approach the newly-established Information Regulator, who is tasked with adjudicating PAIA as well as POPIA (Protection of Personal Information Act) requests.

Together we have filed a detailed affidavit setting out how PetroSA has systematically ignored our official requests, and why, in our view, PetroSA’s obsessive secrecy cannot be allowed to stand.

While we, as civil society, will continue to push against this unsustainable approach, we hope that the PetroSA leadership will internally reflect and revert to the Batho Pele value that they profess to hold.

The post AmaBhungane and Open Secrets challenges PetroSA’s diesel contracts secrecy appeared first on Vuka News.

By Palmira Velasco

Mozambique has been experiencing moments of political tension since the electoral campaign and the eve of the presidential and legislative elections held on October 9th of the current year. National and international observers found that the elections were not fair or peaceful, as it was found that there was fraud both through ballot box stuffing at the behest of the party in power, as well as other irregularities inherent to the voting process.

The polls and the preliminary vote count gave advantages to the candidate of the opposition Podemos party, Venâncio Mondlane, but at some point, the candidate of the ruling party (Frelimo) Daniel Chapo, had the higher percentage of votes in almost the entire country. Faced with these irregularities, the leader of the opposition party (Podemos) Venâncio Mondlane, called for a public and peaceful demonstration to take place on October 21st to challenge the way in which the general elections were held across the country.

Tension rose to a new level last week when two political activists and supporters of the opposition party, Podemos, were savagely murdered in the early hours of October 19th by members of the death squad operating in the country at the behest of the party in power. The murder of the two political activists, Paulo Guambe (representative of the Podemos party) and Elvino Dias (lawyer and advisor to the presidential candidate, Venâncio Mondlane), was heinous, as they were shot at close range using a firearm. The victims were sprayed with 25 bullets which provoked a wave of popular protests from different professional classes, some national politicians and the international community.

On October 21st, the country came to a standstill. The people took to the streets to protest. As a result, a wave of violence against protesters began. There were deadly shootings and the use of tear gas. Some journalists were not spared by the riot police and military. To disperse the protesters, means such as gas, dog force, firearms, armored vehicles and helicopters were used. The protest situation tends to worsen with the announcement of the results of the general elections, held yesterday, giving victory to Daniel Chapo, from the ruling party, Frelimo. Meanwhile, the Mozambican people have been demonstrating against the murders and the result of the general elections since the morning of 10/24/2024.

The post Mozambique under political tension appeared first on Vuka News.

People gathered outside the Western Cape High Court on Monday to show support for South Africa’s legal team’s additional submission to the International Court of Justice to prove genocide in Gaza. Photo: Matthew Hirsch

The SA government is submitting evidence to the International Court of Justice to prove Israel is committing genocide in Gaza

By Matthew Hirsch

About 50 people gathered outside the Western Cape High Court on Monday morning to support South Africa’s additional submission to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on genocide in Gaza. Protestors braved the rain to show support for South Africa’s legal team.

They chanted, “Stop the killing, stop the war, Palestine will live some more” and “Gaza don’t you cry, Palestine will never die”. The national anthems of South Africa and Palestine were sung.

In January, the South African government submitted its application to the ICJ, and is submitting further pleadings “to provide facts and evidence to prove that Israel is committing the crime of genocide in Palestine”.

“We are very proud that South Africa has taken up this stance. It has been joined by many other countries in this initiative,” said Professor Usuf Chikte, of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, standing outside court.

“There were interim measures [ordered by the ICJ] that Israel has disobeyed,” he said.

Megan Choritz, of South African Jews for a Free Palestine, said, “We have to boycott, divest and sanction. We have to make sure that this stops before every single Gazan is dead.”

Ashraf Mahomed, of the National Association of Democratic Lawyers, said the association supported South Africa’s additional submissions to the ICJ.

“We reject those who engage in antisemitism or Jew-hatred as much as we reject those who engage in Islamaphobia or Arab-hatred. Standing up for truth and against war-crimes being committed by Israel is not antisemitic. Standing on the right side of history is not antisemitic,” he said.

Mogamad Ganief Ebrahim Hendricks, of Al Jama-ah and deputy minister for social development, called for an urgent debate in Parliament on Palestine.

According to Al Jazeera, about 43,000 Palestinians have been killed in the conflict since 7 October 2023. At least 2,000 people have also been killed in Lebanon. About 1,100 Israelis were killed in the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October.

The post Picket held in support of South Africa’s genocide case against Israel appeared first on Vuka News.

The post George Bizos: A Legacy of Justice and Humanity in South Africa appeared first on Vuka News.