The May 2024 elections have ushered in a grand multi-party coalition led by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA), with additional support from the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Freedom Front Plus (FF+), and Patriotic Alliance (PA). For purposes of manufacturing public consent, it has been mischievously named a ‘government of national unity’ (GNU). Quickly enough, radicals correctly coined it the government of neo-liberal unity.
For working-class South Africans and marginalised rural communities, this development represents a political consolidation that is deeply concerning. It signals not just the failure of the ANC to transform society and manage the state but also the ascendancy of conservative, liberal, and market-oriented forces into significant positions of power and influence. This neo-liberal coalition realignment prioritises the interests of elites over those of the working class and marginalised communities. The political terrain in South Africa is becoming increasingly hostile to transformative policies aimed at addressing inequality, land reform, and rural democracy.
The ANC’s failures and the rise of conservatives
The ANC’s long-standing inability to transform South African society and its failure to effectively manage the state paved the way for this political crisis. Over the past three decades, the ANC has not delivered on key promises of land redistribution, job creation, and improved public services. Its neo-liberal policies, epitomised by enabling financialisation of the economy, austerity measures and corporatisation of the state, have deepened inequality and alienated its traditional base of support.
The electoral losses suffered by the ANC in May 2024 left it unable to govern alone, forcing it into an alliance with parties that represent the antithesis of progressive and democratic values. The DA, with its liberal economic agenda and resistance to structural change, now holds key ministries, including agriculture, led by John Steenhuisen. The IFP has also gained a foothold, securing the Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (Cogta) department. The inclusion of the FF+ and PA further cements a government intent on consolidating the status quo and resisting transformation.
Minister of Agriculture and leader of the Democratic Alliance, John Steenhuisen and his wife posing for pictures during the opening of the GNU parliament. Photo by Chris Gilili
IFP, chiefs, and the erosion of rural democracy
One of the most alarming developments under the GNU is the enhanced power of traditional chiefs, bolstered by the IFP’s control of Cogta, whose minister, an IFP leader, has already begun championing the role of traditional leaders in municipal governance, development, and land administration. Chiefs are now included in government imbizos, further entrenching their influence and public profile. The Zulu king is accorded unprecedented public prestige and power, already preceded by the erasure of the apartheid collaborationist and violent history and role of Gatsha Buthelezi.
This consolidation of power is a direct threat to rural democracy, particularly in the former homelands where vulnerable groups depend on equitable land rights and democratic governance. Chiefs have historically been complicit in undermining the security of tenure of women and other marginalised groups. Under the GNU, the chiefs are emboldened, with significant state resources being directed toward their institutions. These include subsidies for traditional councils, stipends for traditional leaders, and funding for tribal courts.
The IFP-led Cogta ministry is poised to resist efforts to secure rural democracy, particularly reforms that challenge the power of chiefs over rural governance, land administration and tribal courts. Vulnerable rural communities, particularly women, will bear the brunt of this consolidation of power, as chiefs deepen their control over resources and governance structures.
Resistance to Land Reform
The GNU is a coalition united not by a vision for transformation but by a commitment to preserving the status quo. Nowhere is this clearer than in the domain of land reform. The DA, through John Steenhuisen’s Department of Agriculture, has already signaled its opposition to radical land reform. The DA’s policy prioritises market-based solutions that have historically failed to address the dispossession of black South Africans.
A recent leaflet by the Women on Farms Project, issued in June 2024, criticises the DA’s policies for undermining farmworkers’ rights and promoting the interests of commercial farmers. This Stellenbosch-based feminist NGO, which has been advocating for farmworkers’ rights since 1996, has criticised policies and leadership approaches they perceive as neglecting the fundamental rights and needs of these communities. One primary concern highlighted by WFP is the DA’s historical resistance to progressive labour reforms, such as the national minimum wage. WFP has accused the DA of being “anti-worker,” pointing to their support for agribusiness interests over the rights of labourers. This tension surfaced prominently during a 2024 protest where farmworkers called for a ban on hazardous pesticides and expressed dismay at Steenhuisen’s appointment as agriculture minister in the government of national unity. Protesters argued that his policies fail to adequately address the long-term health and environmental effects of pesticide use and do not prioritise farmworkers’ safety.
Women on Farms are calling for the German government to play a leadership role within Europe to ensure there is a Europe-wide, legislated ban on the production and export of prohibited pesticides. Photo by Vincent Lali
WFP’s critiques extend to broader DA policy frameworks, which they argue focus disproportionately on business interests while overlooking the socio-economic realities of vulnerable groups like women farmworkers. These critiques suggest a deepening divide between farmworker advocacy groups like WFP and the DA’s leadership, reflecting ongoing debates about whose interests South Africa’s policies and governance structures should prioritise. This is part of a broader challenge in addressing inequality in sectors reliant on marginalised labor.
The inclusion of the FF+ in the GNU further entrenches resistance to land reform. The party represents the interests of white commercial farmers who remain opposed to meaningful agrarian transformation. The result is a government that is actively hostile to addressing the historical injustices of land dispossession.
Neoliberalism in Action
The GNU represents a convergence of ANC and DA neo-liberalism, now formalised in working streams involving the private sector. These working streams focus on sectors like logistics, energy, and transport, where private capital is increasingly dictating government priorities. Under the guise of ‘cleaning up’ inefficiencies, these initiatives prioritise privatisation and outsourcing, further marginalising the working class.
The Cost to Working-Class Communities
For working-class communities, the GNU represents a direct assault on their interests. The consolidation of conservative and neoliberal forces within government will exacerbate inequality and entrench poverty. The DA’s approach to public works, for instance, emphasises outsourcing and privatisation, sidelining public sector unions and eroding job security.
The resistance to rural democracy under the IFP-led COGTA will deepen the marginalisation of rural communities, particularly women, who remain disproportionately affected by patriarchal land governance systems. The lack of commitment to radical land and agrarian reform will ensure that the economic exclusion of the rural poor continues unabated.
Building a Counterforce
Despite this bleak political landscape, there is a growing need to build a counterforce that challenges the GNU’s conservative agenda. Rural people’s struggles in Xolobeni, Mtubatuba, Marikana, Limpopo, Ludtzville and elsewhere show that rural people are not folding hands. They are standing up and resisting. Social movements, unions, and progressive NGOs must build from this resistance. They must come together to resist the consolidation of neoliberal and traditionalist power. Campaigns for land reform, rural democracy, and public sector accountability must be intensified. The working class cannot afford to wait for the GNU to fail; it must actively organise to create alternatives.
The rise of conservative and liberal forces in South Africa’s government mirrors global trends, but it also provides an opportunity for progressive forces to articulate a bold vision for the future. This vision must centre on the principles of putting people before profits, meeting basic needs, redistribution, equality, democracy, and social justice – principles that the GNU will find hard to abide by, and that the majority yearn for.
The working class must rise to the challenge of defending its rights and rolling back the rise of liberal and conservative forces who are hegemonising the GNU and our politics. If not, the GNU’s agenda will deepen inequality, entrench elite power, and erode the democratic gains of the past three decades.
